FOREWORD


I thought it would be important to mention my Harlem experience, as a
fair-skinned Puerto Rican, in a predominantly African American public
housing project.  The experience of surviving in Harlem clearly has
impacted my world view and has literally taken me to a very heightened
level of race consciousness.  My elementary education experience
began with the Catholic nuns from the Handmaids of Mary, who,
interestingly enough, were one of three major orders of African
American Nuns in the United States.  Although we were living in a
legally segregated society in the 1950s, they convinced me that God put
us here to do great things and, as children of God, we are all the same
in his eyes.

Little did I know, that it would take me a long time to figure out the
significant lessons taught to us and why my parents selected St.
Aloysius Catholic School on 132nd Street.  Both my parents and the
nuns were giving me the tools to protect myself from White Supremacy.  
White Supremacy is not only a psychosis which espouses white racial
superiority but creates a "street psychology" which prompts people of
color to literally destroy themselves daily.  The concept that we were
created by God to serve a greater purpose was instilled very early in my
childhood and has literally saved my life.  The proof of this is that very
few of my childhood friends from the St. Nicholas Housing Project are
alive today.

I have been fortunate when I look back at the many events which
shaped my views later in life.  The impact of the Harlem riots in the
early 1960s and the Black Nationalist speeches given by Malcolm X on
those hot summer days on 125th Street were confusing to a Puerto
Rican youngster whose main occupation was to play basketball.  As a
youngster, I never realized those fleeting moments would profoundly
effect my psyche.

My greatest childhood memory was the real fear of White people which
existed amongst my black childhood friends.  The bogeyman or the "the
Devil" really existed for these black children whose parents would
share the same old stories about their encounters with Jim Crowism in
the North.  My parents were not as dramatic, but it was always the
"Americanos" that controlled everything.  As a child, I always associated
power with Whites and never talked too much around them.  My family
never referred to Black folks as "Americanos;" instead, they were called
"morenos" (derived from the word Moor, meaning dark people).

The race issue surfaced very early in my life when my family and I
experienced the fear of a "neighborhood under siege" when the New
York City Tactical Police Force quelled the Harlem riots and remained
in our community for several days.  My window was like a television set
as I saw black rioters get shot, beaten, and arrested.  I saw a White
news reporter pulled from the Daily News van and nearly beaten to
death.  I saw city leaders come through the neighborhood with
bullhorns trying to calm the rioters.  A Black Muslim sect called the Five
Percenters were beating up anyone who look remotely white.  The
Latino families went pretty much unscathed since most of the black
families in the projects had known us for years.  I will never forget the
everyday fear of traveling to school and avoiding certain blocks which
were known to prey on individuals that did not live there.

I vividly remember Harlem's exhilaration when my mother took me to
see Fidel Castro as he visited the only black hotel in New York City, the
Hotel Theresa, because he refused to stay downtown with the
"Americanos" or White folks.  He waved and he said something in
Spanish, and I thought it was pretty "cool" since I was one of the few
people in the crowd besides my mother who really understood him.  
Harlemites were so happy because he stayed uptown; however, in later
years I learned this happened only to politically embarrass the US
government.

As I began high school, anger was my prevailing state of mind.  The
political discussions with my father were about revolution and the need
to take hold of our communities.  My father thought I was crazy and that I
should become an accountant or an engineer and move into a good
neighborhood.  My father would always remind me of how this is the
greatest country in the world.  Dad moved us during my high schools
years to the Bronx and the Vietnam conflict was going strong.  The
young Black and Puerto Rican men from my old South Bronx
neighborhood, who were full of verve and energy, came back from
Vietnam as shells of their former selves.  My Dad and I agreed to
disagree that we were the best country in the world.

I had lost faith that the system would provide a means for community
empowerment, especially with the White resistance I witnessed in the
Ocean Hill-Brownsville struggle for school board control.  My dreams
were to go to Latin America and follow in the footsteps of my high
school heroes, Che Guevara, Huey P. Newton, and Regis Debray.  
Anything would have been better than my neighborhood.  With the
encouragement of Leon Silverman, my high school teacher and
mentor, I could best serve the revolution if I went to college.  I was
eventually accepted into Wesleyan University, the hot-bed of White
liberalism and radical political thought.

This tiny Connecticut school provided me the opportunity to travel to
fascist Spain during the Franco regime and I remained in Europe for
approximately a year.  This experience taught me more about the roots
of race relations in the Caribbean and Latin America than any college
course in my academic career at Wesleyan.  I had never realized North
Africa was so close to the Spanish coastline.  Suddenly, I had a wider
historical perspective on the Moors who ruled Spain for 700 hundred
years.

Traveling as a Puerto Rican, with an American passport, also jarred my
sense of identity when I was stopped by a Spanish customs agent and
asked about my country of origin, I replied "Puerto Rico," but the agent
grew frustrated with my response because my passport was clearly
from the United States of America.  The reality that I had no official
international status as a member of the Puerto Rican people was
crushing.  The agent reprimanded me and said "Tu eres Americano" or
"You are American" and ordered me to move on.  That is not what my
Dad told me!

These events in my life have had a lasting effect on defining my
existence as a human being on this planet.  Fortunately, between my
parents and the Handmaids of Mary, I have been given the foundation
to survive as an adult, the current world order of White Supremacy.  The
Latino Manifesto will hopefully motivate young writers and political
activists to research some of the subject areas which I have not
adequately covered because of the limitations of time and resources.  
Moreover, we hope the Latino youth will set up forums to discuss the
issue of race and strategize how we will create our own Latino
institutions for the survival our people.  Maybe the young people of today
can do a better job of saving the lives of their neighborhood friends than
my generation did in the 1990s.


Christopher Rodriguez
Columbia, MD   
Introduction

The Latino Manifesto is a community call to a higher level of race
consciousness and to begin a long delayed journey which has
eluded Latinos for centuries.  In the US landscape, Latinos are still
observers and not full participants in the Black/White political
discussions.  Unfortunately, this renders Latinos racially and
culturally impotent to engage in modern political debates.  We must
recognize that race consciousness is not synonymous with racism or
holding racist values.  It is the ability to achieve a level of awareness
where we recognize the events within our present reality and interpret
them from a context which does not ignore the historical presence of  
White Supremacy as a norm in our cultural environment.  The
Manifesto boldly analyzes the impact of this norm on the  masses of
Latinos of color in a very serious way particularly in the areas of
education, mental health, economics and religion.

How do Latinos address the issue of African-American slavery which
continually overshadows our ability to negotiate resources to build our
communities?  Our struggle is diminished in the face of the horrors of
the Middle Passage and we have been sold the idea that we have no
claim to reparations.   The eurocentric education of our leadership is
unable to address this issue because of the lack of historical
knowledge which demonstrates a common slave legacy in Latin
America and the Caribbean. Their main fear is to openly discuss and
expose the Spanish and Portuguese involvement and major
promoters of a mindset which impacted the rest of the Americas
including the US.  Furthermore, this same Latino leadership plays the
dangerous color blind strategy which threatens the future survival of
our communities.  If we continue on this course, Latinos will serve as
the scapegoat for both Blacks and Whites in this country.  The past
historical lessons on racism must be analyzed in order that new
social paradigms may be constructed which are inclusive of the
Spanish, Native American and African legacies which comprises
modern Latino culture. This can only be done by re-educating both
U.S. blacks and whites about the role of genocide and White
Supremacy  in Latin America.         

There is very little material which addresses the Latino race
perspective from a non-eurocentic point of view.  Racism is normally
addressed through the interpretation of standard literary artforms
such as music, poetry and the theater.  These influences stemmed
mainly from the Spanish language poetry of negritude which
emanated from authors like Nicolas Guillen and Luis Pales Matos
both from Cuba and Puerto Rico respectively.  But social scientific
analysis outside of the literary artforms were seriously lacking
particularly on the subject of Latinos residing in the United States.  
However, if we examine closely, there is a rich history of race relations
which started with the conquest of the Americas and can potentially
be the key to help social scientists predict the future of Latinos in the
US.     

There is very little written which synthesizes the Latino experience
surviving in a racist state of historical occupation and battling the
social barriers towards self determination.  Therefore, the only
models available are the afrocentric models of analysis which views
the effects of racism in a scientific manner and provides the tools to
make the leap to true race consciousness.  The history of  US Latinos
must be analyzed in the context of the racism toward the
African-American communities and how it is inextricably linked to us.  
It is not accidental that Puerto Ricans, who are US citizens, are
stopped and searched under current immigration laws,  and also the
televised thrashing of Mexican "illegal aliens" which was only rivaled
by the beating of Rodney King executed by the Los Angeles Police
Department. We cannot delude ourselves that these are isolated
incidences which would not have occurred under normal
circumstances.   Our ability to achieve true cultural competence within
US society cannot be attained through the Latino assimilationist
concept of "passing for white" and looking the other way when Latino
community problems arise.    In order to address the flourishing of
this mindset, we must simultaneously analyze the history of racism in
this country and how Latinos are ultimately entwined in the same
racial web.  The forces of White Supremacy did not act in isolation
against African Americans during the past 400 hundred year
existence of the Americas.

The most articulate spokesperson during the Civil Rights era who
crystallized the historical problem of racism as a psychosis was the
irreverent Malcolm X.  Previous leaders such as W.E.B. Dubois and
Booker T. Washington had many heated intellectual debates in the
early part of the twentieth century on how to solve the problem of "the
negro."  Martin Luther King was fighting for the right to integrate public
facilities and have the right to become part of the economic
mainstream .  However, Malcolm X brought the race debate to the
laps of urban Blacks in a manner which threatened the political
establishment unlike any other Black leader.  He dared discuss the
issue of self determination over assimilation and became the
predecessor of the Black Power Movement.  The strategy was to
reconstruct the mindset of psychological slavery and create a truly self
sufficient nation and protect itself from self-destruction.  His premise
was that as long as you are in bed with White Supremacy you will
never escape its poisonous bite.  He brilliantly used the press in a
way to reach the Black and White audiences nationwide.  
Unfortunately, the media's portrayal of him as a Black supremacist
overshadowed his insightful ideas for the psychological
reconstruction of the Black man.

Malcolm X (a.k.a. Malik El Hajj Shabazz) stated in a speech at Oxford
University in the early 1960s that White Supremacy is the political
ideology of the United States democratic system. What could Malcolm
X have meant by such a statement, and what would he accomplish by
making such inflammatory remarks?  Malcolm X understood the
historical legacy of this country and  the roots of the American
Constitution.  He understood what the founding fathers meant when
they said all men are created equal;  naturally, they were only referring
to a patrician class of White men who were the only persons allowed
to own property and capital.  Obviously, the operating assumption at
the time did not allow that people of color and women could have
access to the power of the democratic institutions created. Malcolm X  
focused directly on the root of the race problem in America by
analyzing the operating assumptions of racism in its historical context.

One of the best analyses of American politics appeared in a speech
entitled "Ballots or the Bullets," wherein Malcolm X poignantly
described racism in the American political context. He goes into detail
as to how the structure of the political system provided an illusion that
democracy existed in the form of competition between Democrats
and Republicans. In reality, the underlying assumption is the
preservation of White Supremacy--the competition is amongst White
men to the exclusion of people of color.  He cites historical examples
which support his basic premise that the principles of equality are
violated time after time when "justice" is rendered to black people.
When Malcolm X  stated that he would defend himself against this
type of mindset "by any means necessary,"  was he really talking
about attacking European Americans indiscriminately or was he
coding language which refers to defending himself against a
psychological state of mind which threatens the  Black community as
a whole?  Malcolm X embodies the response to an extreme form of
psychological behavior which continues to afflict the conscience of
this nation, yet remains relatively unexplored.   

In its simplest form, White Supremacy can be defined as a psychosis
of white racial groups who feel the moral obligation to demonstrate
racial, political, religious, and economic superiority over people of
color.  In past years, many serious scientific studies and projects
were researched to prove the natural superiority of white racial groups
over people of color.  Religious leaders also debated the moral
justification for the past subjugation of Africans and Indians under the
bondage of slavery.  These were not quacks but serious and
respectable citizens of their times.  

For example, Dr. Lewis Terman of Stanford University, was one of the
most eminent psychologists of his time and leader of the IQ
movement. In his book, The Measurement of Intelligence, published
in 1916, the Stanford psychologist claimed his tests proved that a low
level of intelligence was "very, very common among Spanish-Indians
and Mexican families of the Southwest and also among Negroes.
Their dullness seems to be racial."  Scientific racism was also
evident in places like Cuba.  Antonio Maceo, the great Afro-Cuban
patriot was known as a brilliant military general and strategist during
the Spanish American War.  Because of his level of intelligence, white
scientists of his day determined him to be biologically White.  After his
death, these scientists conducted cranial studies and examined his
corpse to determine the racial bone structure of Maceo's body to
further conclude he was racially White.  In other words, it was the
common thinking of the times to that a man of color could not
possess his level of intelligence; therefore, he had to be White.

After World War II, the New York State Chamber of Commerce issued
"A Study on Puerto Rican Children in New York City to Psychological
Tests." This study clearly set out to prove that Puerto Rican children
had significantly lower IQs than American-born whites.   It did so in
response to the heavy migration and the resultant xenophobia of the
1940s.  Even in more recent  times,  Physicist  Dr. William Schockley,
who was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1956 for pioneering work in
Electronics, continually espoused that a Black person's intelligence
rises in proportion to his or her percentage of white blood.    

We must ask this question:  Where would this leave other people of
color, such as Latinos?  In answering this question, this book will
focus on the subliminal thinking of mainstream America as opposed
to that of racial fanatics who already receive an inordinate amount of
written and televised coverage.  The psychosis exists with the
mainstream intellectuals and average individuals who perpetuate the
myths, stereotypes, and religious beliefs which govern the present
times.

The book will also discuss the movement of self-preservation of
Europeans; especially since the publications of demographic
forecasts for the year 2000 where it states that Whites will become
the minority in the United States.  The anxiety around this issue is
manifesting itself in the increased conservatism and the consensus
to cut back programs which are perceived to benefit the so called
"minority populations" such as welfare or bilingual education .  This
fear will normally coincide with the downturn of the US economy or
regional areas of high unemployment and the illegal immigration of
Latinos.   

The psychological makeup of modern US Latinos reflects a culture of
denial surrounding race discrimination which greatly impacts our
political ability to operate in a race conscious society.  "Denial is used
by individuals, groups, and even nations to defend themselves
against disturbing feelings, contradictions, thoughts or events.  An
unpleasant situation is rendered nonexistent.  Responsibility or
blame is projected neatly upon someone else."    It appears today that
if Latinos acknowledge the presence of discrimination they must
implicitly declare their African or Indian racial ancestry.  

These attitudes of denial stem from the early Spanish colonials who
implemented state policies to create historical amnesia of our African
and Indian heritage.  They designed comprehensive immigration
policies to whiten the populations of countries in the Caribbean and
Latin America.  This was seen as a solution to the race problem
particularly in areas were Latinos of African and Indian descent were
the majority.  Early European theorists in the nineteenth century had
concluded that the whiter the population the higher the level of
intelligence.  As a result, special immigration policies to attract
greater numbers of White Europeans were implemented in countries
like Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Cuba.  This mindset still prevails and
provokes great ire among many Latinos when any association is
made with their African and Indian historical legacy.  Many US Latinos
would rather suffer the indignity of discrimination than consciously
admit any mistreatment which is associated with being a person of
color.   

What we will focus on is the unconscious level of this psychosis on
Latinos in the United States and the Americas and how it has affected
in particular both the mainstream European American and people of
color in all aspects of their lives. Every facet of today's interpretation of
the North and South American psychological mindset involves the
issue of White Supremacy whether we speak of  education, local
political control, economic development, psychological treatment or
religious worship.  

The cancer of White Supremacy or racism which afflicts all of the
Americas continues to fester without the proper attention and analysis
particularly in Latin America.  White Supremacy has affected the
relationships of our ties to a historical past which is vital to full
psychological recovery and achieving a new level of consciousness.  
Most are not aware of the deep rooted psychological damage which
White racial groups and people of color suffer because of this
institutionalized legacy.  In a speech delivered in 1854, Chief Seattle
stated the following to an assembly of tribes after agreeing to sign
away lands under duress:

We know that the white man does not understand our ways.  One
portion of the land is the same to him as the next, for he is a stranger
who comes in the night and takes from the land whatever he needs.
The earth is not his brother, but his enemy, and when he has
conquered it, he moves on.  He leaves his father's graves behind, and
he does not care. He kidnaps the earth from his children. He does not
care. His father's graves and his children's birthright are forgotten.He
treats his mother, the earth, and brother the sky, as things to be
bought , plundered, sold  like sheep or bright beads. His appetite will
devour the earth and leave behind only a desert.  

The legacy described by Chief Seattle of the White man's lack of
understanding of how his own actions is a type of moral thrashing or
a call to consciousness.  Chief Seattle understands the
consequences when humans live in a moral vacuum and disrespect
their own ancestral connectedness to the mother earth.  Chief Seattle,
in short,  prophesizes the destruction of all of humankind.  Modern
White Supremacy is symbolized by a powerful and sophisticated
technology which has catapulted mankind to the brink of nuclear
disaster e.g. Cuban Missile Crisis.  In order to protect those vested
interests, a modern media machinery has been created to shape the
world's opinions to maintain the status quo.  Lastly, it has developed
a militaristic culture which can be whipped up in a frenzy and serve as
the pointmen to feed this insatiable appetite described by Chief
Seattle.          

Latinos, as a people,  must be wary of White Supremacy in planning
future strategies for community control and how much of this
psychosis we have internalized in our thinking.  We are also delving
into the area of psychohistorical analysis which has very little
legitimacy in Western academic circles.  We must take the bold step
of tackling new paradigms of thought which critically question our
reality.  In other words, we who identify ourselves as Mexicans, Puerto
Ricans, Cubans, and Central Americans must understand that this
abnormal psychosis has become the norm, and the norm has
become the abnormal.